Vedic polity in ancient India

The Vedic order, also known as the Vedic political system, was a complex and evolving form of government during the Vedic period in ancient India (c. 1500 BCE to 500 BCE). It was primarily characterized by a tribal structure, where numerous small, semi-autonomous groups called “Janas” or “tribes” were ruled by chiefs or kings known as “rajas”.

These early societies were loosely connected and power was decentralized, with each jana having its own ruler and ruling council. Rajas often relied on the guidance of revered priests known as “Brahmins” in religious and ritual matters.

The Vedic order was deeply intertwined with the religious and social aspects of the time, as Vedic rituals and sacrifices played a significant role in legitimizing the authority of the rulers. As society developed, these tribal units gradually gave way to more centralized kingdoms, marking the transition from the Vedic period to the later periods of Indian history.

This system laid the foundation for future political developments in India and had a lasting influence on the history and culture of the region.

The Vedic Polity

Introduction: Vedic order

In the early 20th century, the order represented in the Rigveda was believed to be a full-fledged state system with all the basic elements of a state. Since 1950, however, scholars have shown that in the early Vedic age, the order was nothing more than a tribal chieftainship, in which the term rajan was used for a tribal chief who was primarily a military chief leading the tribe in wars for usurpation of cows and other cattle wealth but not taking over territory. The concept of territory was completely absent. A tribal chief, or Rajan, was the leader of the people belonging to a particular tribe and not the ruler of any territory. Hence, he was known as Janasya Gopa or Gopati Janasya. Territorial terms are not common in the Rigveda. Although the term Jana, meaning tribe, is used 275 times, the term Janapada does not occur even once. The term rajya is used in one instance, and the word rastra occurs ten times. This suggests that the territorial aspect of the polity emerged at the end of the Rigvedic period. The term grama, which occurs 13 times in the Rigveda, gives the sense not of a village but of a tribal unit mobilized for battle. This is why Prajapati, who was in charge of the commonly held tribal land and the head of the family, fought battles and later became synonymous with Gramani, who was originally the head of the tribal unit called Grama.

A king in the Rigvedic period

The Rigvedic king, it is believed, was one of the equals whose hereditary position was not unquestionable. Several references indicate that the king owed his office to the election of the people. Most references to the election of a king by natives (visa) are found in the Atharvaveda, but the practice must have started much earlier. Some stray references to him are also found in the Rigveda. This clearly shows that the tribe has chosen its chief. However, some references suggest that kingship or chieftainship was limited to certain families, although actual examples do not confirm the practice of royal succession in one family for more than three generations. It is therefore rather doubtful whether the law of primogeniture was sharply defined. This lack of a strong hereditary line stood in the way of the chief becoming the most powerful person. His authority was also limited by tribal assemblies called sabha, samiti, vidatha, parisad and gana. The Purohita was another powerful person who accompanied the king into battle and boosted his morale with prayers and charms. Because of the constant wars, the tribal chief or king commanded the services of a large number of slaves (dasas). This, together with the acquisition of large numbers of cattle, made the chief a wealthy man.

Administrative system

The Rigvedic king did not have elaborate administrative machinery because the nature of the Rigvedic economy could not support it. In an economy where the surplus was very small, the king and his officials received only Bali, that is, an offering to a prince or god. This tribute was received in kind from members of the chieftain’s clan and from the conquered people. However, these charges were neither regular nor fixed and therefore cannot be called taxes. Similarly, the terms senani and sena (used 20 times in the Rigveda) do not indicate the existence of a regular standing army. Military functions were inserted into the Vedic assemblies. The Vrajapati, the Kulapa (head of the family), and the Gramani all seem to have functioned as military leaders. The only functionaries who had any permanent responsibility for defense were the purpatis (commanders of earthen forts or forts). The Rigvedic kings employed spies called spasa to monitor the behavior of the people. Ugra and Jivagribha were probably officials designated to deal with criminals, and the Madyamas seem to have acted as mediators in disputes. About half a dozen functionaries are mentioned, such as mahisi (literally powerful, he was the crowned queen), purohit, treasurer, charioteer, taksan (carpenter), and dura (messenger). We hear of no law, nor do we meet with any class of officials who administer justice.

Vidatha Tribal Assemblies

The term vidatha is mentioned 122 times in the Rigveda and seems to be the most important assembly in the Rigvedic period. Roth concluded that the data was a gathering intended for secular, religious, and military purposes. The Rigveda only once indicated the association of a woman with the sabha, while the vidatha is often associated with a woman. Women actively participated in negotiations with men. The vidatha seems to have been the earliest popular assembly of the Indo-Aryans, performing all kinds of functions, military, religious, and social. Products were distributed in data. Members discussed exploiting heroes and waging war against enemy tribes. The data also provided a common basis for clans and tribes to worship their gods.

Sabha

The term Sabha (used 8 times in the Rigveda) denotes both an assembly and an assembly. The second meaning comes from later Vedic texts. Women called Sabhavati also attended this assembly. It was essentially a kin-based gathering and the practice of women participating in it was stopped in later Vedic times. A passage in the Rigveda speaks of sabza as a gathering of dice and gambling. It was also associated with dance, music, witchcraft, and magic. It discussed pastoral matters, performed political and administrative functions, and exercised judicial authority.

Samiti

All six references to the samiti are from the latest books of the Rigveda, indicating that it only gained importance towards the end of the Rigvedic period. It is generally agreed that the early samiti was a popular assembly where the people of the tribe gathered to transact tribal business. According to Ludwig, it was a basic comprehensive conference that included commoners (vis), Brahmins, and wealthy patrons. It was probably a general tribal meeting. She discussed philosophical questions and dealt with religious ceremonies and prayers. A reference in the Atharvaveda suggests that the samiti was identical to the tribal military unit (grama) whose collection was called the Samgrama. However, the political functions of the summit were much more pronounced. References indicate that the king was elected and re-elected by the samiti.

difference between sabha and samiti

In the beginning, there was no difference between sabha and samiti. Both are said to be daughters of Prajapati. The Atharvaveda shows that both were mobile units led by chiefs who moved with the forces. The only difference between the sabha and the samiti seems to be the fact that the sabha performed judicial functions, which the samiti did not. Later the sabha became a small aristocratic body and the samiti ceased to exist.

Gana

Gana, the technical word for republic, has been interpreted in most Rigvedic references to mean assembly or army. A careful study shows that it was a kind of non-Jewish organization of the Indo-Aryans. The gang leader is generally called Ganapati and in some places gangsta raja.

Parisad

The early parish seems to have been a tribal military assembly, part matriarchal and part patriarchal. However, the variety of references to the parisad in the Rigveda may also have been due to the non-Vedic character of the parisad. In the later Vedic period it tended to become part academy and part royal council, dominated by priests who acted as teachers and advisers.

Later Vedic order

Although there was no element of territoriality in the establishment of the Vedic polity, there was a definite transition to territorial rule in the later Vedic phase. This was possible due to certain changes in the material basis of people. The expansion and shift of the center of activity allowed the use of iron tools and weapons. In the later Vedic period, small communities merged into larger units. The Bharatas and Purus of the Rigvedic period merged to become the Kuru tribe, which merged with the Panchalas, and the two together occupied the entire western UP. Now the rulers claimed part of the agricultural production as regular taxes. Society differentiated itself based on the hierarchy of the brewhouse. As a result, the nature of kingship changed. Gradually, the territorial element prevailed. The elaborate coronation ritual called the Rajasuya, lasting over two years, required a fixed location. In the Kuru-Panchala region, the place of the royal residence came to be called Asandivat. At the Ratnahavimsi ceremony, the king had to approach dignitaries who lived in permanent residences.

Ten Forms of Government

The Aitareya Brahmana enumerates ten forms of government prevailing in different parts of the country, showing that power was based on fixed geographical locations. Ekraja may mean a ruler whose authority was undisputed in his domain. The Satapatha Brahmana called the king Rastrabhrita or sustaining kingdoms.

The king is the protector

Towards the end of the later Vedic period, the territorial idea created a sense of ownership over the land. Now the king claimed to grant a portion of the land with the consent of the clan. The king now belonged to the Kshatriya class, who sought to gain the support of the priests for dominion over the masses of the people. The king was now called the protector of Brahmins and the devourer of enemies.

Hereditary kingship

In the later Vedic age, the royal title became hereditary. A formula from the Satapatha Brahmana could be used to secure kingship for ten generations. We also come across the term Rajaputra, which in many cases can be interpreted as the king’s son. In the later Vedic phase, the divine elements became associated with the king. This period also marks the beginning of a proper tax system and administrative machinery. The term Visamatta (devourer of people) used for the king shows that he lived on taxes collected from his relatives and others. We hear of an official named Bhagadugha who distributed shares on behalf of the chief. The twelve ratings appear to have been officials. Towards the end of the Vedic period, the army emerged as an important element in the Vedic polity. In some senses, the later Vedic period also marks the beginning of royal bodyguards. References to sthapati and satpati are also thought to indicate the beginnings of a regular system of provincial administration, and the Adhikari is considered a village official appointed by the king.

Conclusion

The rise of large territorial states made it difficult for popular assemblies to function as before. As a result, the sabha and samiti acquired an aristocratic flavor and became a male monopoly, with officials taking over some of their activities.

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